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RAIS WA ZANZIBAR AJAE AMECHAGULIWA DODOMA TAREHE KUMI JUN 2020

Speech by the National (ACT) Chairman of the ACT -Wazalendo, Maalim Seif Sharif Hamad, at a Press Conference, Kisenga Hall, Millennium Tower, Dar es Salaam, June 10, 2020 on Basic Issues Towards 2020 General Election

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Dear Tanzanians, 

As it is known, 2020 is the year of the General Election. Tanzania is expected to hold the election of the President of the United Republic, President of Zanzibar, MPs, Representatives and Councilors on Sunday, October 25, 2020. 

Worldwide, the general election period is a unique time to decide whether to build a country or to tear down a country. Elections that leave the country safe and secure must be held in an environment of justice, freedom, and openness. Conversely, elections breed violence, hatred and chaos in the Nation. We, ACT- Wazalendo would like the 2020 general elections to  build instead of demolish Tanzania.

We need to have an election that will leave Tanzanians happy and hopeful after exercising their democratic rights and responsibilities to elect the leaders they want.

Unfortunately only two months are left for the beginning of the General Election Campaign, the political space in the country does not foreshadow the election that could leave our country safe. We are going to the polls as a divided Nation. We are going to the polls while our nation lacks a compromise that would make the elections peaceful.

We are going to the polls when the nation is in a worse position with a poor operating system than at any other time in our history.

Election governing bodies, namely the National Electoral Commission (NEC) and the Zanzibar Electoral Commission (ZEC) and Government Authorities in general are not run in a way that will make the Nation safer in this year's elections. The indications are clear that if the current situation remains as it is, of course, the possibility of a peace we are proud of may be history. We urge the authorities not to bring the country into such a state.

Phone: 0777 950077/0655 950077/0778180217, SLP 1830
In recognition of our responsibility as a conscientious Political Party in the country, and to help prevent our country from reaching there, we ACT- Wazalendo would like to highlight  to the electoral stakeholders, and especially to the Government of the United Republic of Tanzania and the Revolutionary Government of Zanzibar, the existing barriers that constrains free and fair elections and our proposals for the necessary actions to be taken in order to attain free and fair elections  (Minimum reforms required for free, fair and credible elections).


10 OBSTACLES THAT RESTRICT FREE AND FAIR  ELECTIONS: 

Comprehensive analysis of our electoral system and management in the country, across Tanzania Mainland and Zanzibar, has led us to conclude these 10 obstacles will make this year's General Election not to be  free and fare :

  1. Electoral Commissions are Not Free: In their structure, both our Commissions, in the sense of the National Electoral Commission (NEC) and the Zanzibar Electoral Commission (ZEC), are considered to be Presidential Commissions rather than Independent Electoral Commissions. The Chairman and Director of the National Electoral Commission (NEC) and the Zanzibar Electoral Commission (ZEC) are appointed by the respective Presidents, (President of the United Republic of Tanzania and President of Zanzibar) who are also the CCM Chairman and Vice-Chairman of the CCM . At Council level, Electoral Supervisors are Council Directors who are, for the most part, CCM cadres.

How can we have an   Independent Electoral Commission of which one of its Commissioners is Omar Ramadhani Mapuri, the person who became the National Secretary of the Revolutionary Party? Or in Zanzibar's case, how do you have an Independent Commission with a Chairman like Hamid Mahmoud Hamid who has never hidden his feelings of hatred against the opposition and against the opposition leaders in Zanzibar? In this case, we  cannot expect to have free and fair elections.

  1. Open Sabotage on Local Government Elections: The government has not implemented our proposals for repealing Local Government, Village and Suburban Elections held in November 2019. The elections have resulted in the presence of local, village and suburban leaders with no legal or political legitimacy, because they were not elected by the public. This period towards the General Election, is an opportune time for the authorities concerned to assess this historic error. It is obvious that no meaningful and reliable development can be achieved by these people because the public cannot support them.

  1. Sabotage in Zanzibar Voters Registration: Currently while we are speaking here, in
Zanzibar, ZEC is continuing with the Voter Review exercise and registering of New Voters. This exercise has been dominated by the deliberate conspiracy between the ZEC, the Office of the Zanzibar Civil Status Registration  responsible for issuing Zanzibar IDs for residents and the Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM) . These sabotages are aimed at ensuring that thousands of Zanzibar citizens are deprived of their fundamental right to vote. So far, as ZEC has completed the registration process on the Pemba side, the data shows that ZEC has registered a total of 109,567 citizens. Comparing the 2015 enrolled population of 145,066 you will find that 35,499 citizens in the two Pemba Regions alone have been deliberately left out of the Voters Register to deprive them of their right to choose the leaders they want. With this  situation we cannot imagine that we can have free and fair elections.


  1. Sabotage in Zanzibar Constituencies Division: ZEC has announced its intention to seek to review the number and boundaries of Zanzibar Electoral constituencies. This  is so amazing. This ZEC reviewed and divided the constituencies in 2015, which increased the constituencies from 50 to 54 constituencies. It was not expected to see that ZEC will consider reviewing and dividing the constituencies again after only five years .

We are aware of what is pushing ZEC to do this now. It is the increasing pressure from the CCM in Zanzibar who are desperate and that it is anxious to see how it can evade public anger through ballot boxes. Thus, ZEC in coordination with CCM have planned to review the division of Constituencies to support CCM. Based on   information we have from ZEC internal sources, shows that ZEC in coordination with CCM plan to reduce the constituencies from 54 they added in 2015 to 50 constituencies but in a different format from that before 2015. In order to achieve this, they aim to reduce two constituencies in Pemba island and two other constituencies  in the Western District of Unguja. The question we asked ZEC was this: In their 2015 constituency review they did not add any constituency in Pemba Island , why is Pemba Island related to this reduction of constituency now? Do ZEC want us to believe that they don't know where they added the new four constituencies in 2015? How and why in 2015 they added all four (4) new constituencies to the island of Unguja but today when they plan to repossess 50 constituencies they want to reduce two (2) from Pemba where they did not add any constituency? All of this confirms  ZEC's conspiracy in ensuring that the Election is voted in advance and will result in this year's election being disqualified as free and fair elections even before the votes are cast.

  1. Sabotage in Election Regulations: The National Electoral Commission of the United Republic of Tanzania (NEC) has begun the process of amendment of the Electoral Regulations . According to the Draft Regulations, a question of inviting international election observers is optional. Also, agents of political parties will not be given copies of the vows that all years have been used as part of their identity at polling stations. Also, the right of agents to be given copies of election results has been made voluntary. The Electoral Supervisor reserves the right to provide copies of the election results to the agents if he has   sufficient copies. These regulations will, of course, jeopardize peace and stability in the October 2020 general elections and are done to further undermine the outcome of the elections.

  1. The government state organs have  determined to be agents of the CCM: The state organs, especially the Police Force which is responsible for protecting the safety of civilians and their property by doing justice to all citizens, are proving to be on the side of the CCM as the election approaches. This is also reflected in the National Security System (TISS) and the Special Forces of the Revolutionary Government of Zanzibar. For the past five years, the Police Force has been used to disrupt the meetings and activities of opposition parties in the country. In recent years, Police Force officers have been seen prominently in CCM or public activities singing songs or making statements to support and back CCM. With this trend, it is clear that current state organs, and without amendment, cannot do justice to the General Election.

  1. Public Administration Offices Used Politically: With the Commission of Judge Francis Nyalali in 1992 calling for the Public Administration , meaning Regional Commissioners, District Commissioners and Council Directors to be separated from politics and to perform public service, no steps have yet been taken to implement  the proposal. It has been 28 years since the restoration of the system of political parties, but the positions of Regional Commissioners, District Commissioners and Council Directors have continued to be used by the CCM through their President who is also the Party Chairman to offer these posts to their CCM cadres. As a result, Regional Commissioners, District Commissioners and Council Directors are more responsible for supporting and backing their Party than being Tanzanian servants. This situation has been notorious  in these five years where we have witnessed the abuse of power to the point of ordering the arrest and detention of various people who have different ideas with them. Others went further in interfering and stopped the opposition political party from holding their meetings. Regional Commissioners and District Commissioners have also been abusing their positions as Chairpersons of Regional and District Security Committees to sabotage opposition parties and support CCM. In such an environment, there cannot be free and fair elections.

  1. Public Media Transformed as CCM mouth : Worldwide public media works to serve all citizens due to the fact that they are run at the expense of taxpayers who are all citizens. Its primary role is to manage accountability and to regulate democracy through freedom of the press. Unfortunately for Tanzania and Zanzibar all these media outlets from TBC, ZBC and government newspapers such as the Daily News, Habari Leo, and Zanzibar Leo have been turned to be the mouth of CCM and their main task is to drive CCM propaganda. Although this situation has existed all these years but it is a fact that it has crossed the boundaries in these five years. Currently we  all witness that the public media has started the campaign although the campaign period has not started . All of the programs currently being organized serve only one function of promoting CCM and on the other hand completely avoiding any information provided by opposition parties. One cannot talk about free and fair elections if the public media does not give an equal chance to broadcast the news of all political parties in the country.

  1. The 40 Laws of Oppression cited by the Nyali Commission: In its Third Report, the Commission of Justice Francis Nyalali, which issued a recommendation for Tanzania to re-establish the multi-party system in 1992, listed 40 Oppressive Laws that were recommended to be amended and include major reforms or repealed  before the multi-party system was restored in the country. Intentionally, and recognizing that these 40 oppressive laws would benefit CCM and undermine opposition parties, CCM governments refused to comply with the Nyalali Commission's proposal. Instead, we have seen the passing of more oppressive Laws and in these five years, Parliament has enacted many evil laws. Even the Political Parties Act and the Electoral Law did not survive. As a result we have witnessed oppression of the opposition parties, opposition MPs, the media , civil society and non-governmental organizations, religious institutions, users of social networks, and Tanzanians who do not support CCM in general. The political environment governed by the laws of oppression cannot lead to free and fair elections.

  1. Non Independent Courts: The pillar of any nation is the existence of a Rule of Law which is administered and protected by independent courts. In recent years we have seen the high degree of independence of the Court shaken by the Court used to suppress justice rather than to grant justice. Even when some of the Judges and Magistrates showed the courage to administer justice and defend the rule of law, we have seen the Court of Appeal, the highest Court in the country, overturn such decisions. As a result, the people's confidence in their Courts has shaken significantly. Independent courts also affect the exercise of free and fair elections. In countries with  Independent Court it is not uncommon to see political parties or citizens when they feel they are denied their rights in the election process, go to Court to seek justice. In Tanzania this is becoming more difficult as our Courts have shifted their focus to the satisfaction of the rulers rather than the pillar of justice.


STEPS TO BE TAKEN BEFORE OCTOBER 2020.

Due to the serious weaknesses we have highlighted here, ACT Wazalendo proposes the following minimum reforms before the commencement of the General Election 2020 campaigns:

  1. ACT Wazalendo insists that the  November 2019 Local Government Election lacked political and legal legitimacy. Firstly, the Government should reconsider the role of the existing local government officials, villages and Neighborhoods. Secondly, the Government should ensure that what had happened in the Local Government Elections does not repeat in the coming General Election. ACT Wazalendo , in collaboration with our counterparts in the opposition, are organised to ensure that we control any sabotage such as those experienced in the Local Government Elections.

  1. The Government should send a Bill by certificate of urgency to the Parliament of the United Republic of Tanzania and to the House of Representatives of Zanzibar to amend the Constitution of the United Republic of Tanzania, the Constitution of Zanzibar and the Electoral Laws to make both Election Commissions, NEC and ZEC, be free. The provisions of our Constitution and Electoral Laws that authorize the President to appoint a Chairperson, Commissioners and Director of Elections have to be  changed. Appointments should be made by an independent entity. At the Council level, the elections should be directed by the Independent Electoral Commission staff rather than the Council Directors who are mostly cadres of CCM. The proposed amendments also consider for the provision of Presidential election results to be questioned in court.

  1. We cannot have a free and fair election when there are thousands of citizens complaining of being deprived of their fundamental right to choose the leaders they want. Therefore, we want the ZEC to ensure that no Zanzibari is intentionally deprived of this right. ZEC should establish a procedure that will allow them  to be registered in the Permanent Voters' Register so that they can exercise their right. By doing this we can attain free and fair elections.

  1. The General Election scheduled for October 2020 should be seen as a free, fair, transparent and credible election. It is therefore imperative that ZEC and NEC develop a friendly environment that will allow long and short-term International Observers the opportunity to observe and evaluate this election. At the same time, the International Community should support local observers so that they too can participate in the polling. 

  1. NEC and ZEC should involve the stakeholders adequately in the formulation of Election Regulations. Election Rules should ensure the involvement of international observers and agents of opposition parties. Election regulations should also provide for opposition parties to be given copies of the voters' register early before the campaign begins.

  1. State Organs, such as the Police Force, National Security and Zanzibar Special  Forces should perform their duties professionally and should stop to favour the CCM.

  1. Regional Commissioners, District Commissioners and Council Directors should perform public service functions and should not be  used for political purposes at this election period, during and after the elections.

  1. Public media should provide equal opportunity to all political parties without bias of any kind. The media plays a vital role in ensuring that elections are free and fair. 

  1. Our Courts should redefine and restore the public's belief that they are instruments of administering and giving justice. Judges and Magistrates as well as other Judicial Officers should be seen  to act in a fair way in order to restore the dignity of our Courts.

  1. ACT Wazalendo also officially announces joining with the Zanzibar Citizens in ensuring that their Democratic elections are respected. Therefore, we will make sure that we stand  with the people of Zanzibar to see that the 2020 Electoral Winner gets the chance to form a government with no compromise and cunning as the Zanzibar Constitution of 1984 demands. This will be the 6th election since the establishment of the Multiparty System in 1992. The people of Zanzibar have witnessed all sorts of tricks being done to hinder their choice to get the opportunity to lead the country. What has been done is enough. We want the administration to know that we will not accept any attempt to deprive the citizens of Zanzibar of the opportunity to be led by a leader of their choice  and that ACT Wazalendo will stand by the Zanzibaris public to prevent the attempt. Administrators must be held accountable for the outcome of the trial. I said last year, and I repeat that now , ENOUGH IS ENOUGH!

CONCLUSION
We as a conscientious Party will make all efforts to communicate with other political parties and other stakeholders to see how we can work together to overcome these 10 Constraints and how we can apply the suggestions we have made. The responsibility to ensure we have a free and fair election is the responsibility of every Tanzanian and Tanzanian friends. We,  ACT Wazalendo are committed to direct and lead the way. 

ACT Wazalendo sincerely believes that election stakeholders can use the remaining time before the campaign begins to work on the 10 obstacles we mentioned and create a positive compromise that will avoid our country from needless chaos. We, ACT Wazalendo, say this in the belief that we fulfill our role as key stakeholders in the well-being of our country and its people. We have time. If we decide to use it properly we can do great things for the future of our country. These proposals can be implemented for the remaining time before election if there is goodwill and that we all want to see our country continue to be peaceful and calm and that each of us is proud to be a Tanzanian. 

Thank you very much.

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I cry for the country we could have had these past five years, for the blood that could have been spared, for the memories families could have built.

In 2015, thousands in Burundi took to the streets to protest against President Nkurunziza running for a third term. Credit: Igor Rugwiza.
In 2015, thousands in Burundi took to the streets to protest against President Nkurunziza running for a third term. Credit: Igor Rugwiza.
On 25 April 2020, exactly five years after Pierre Nkurunziza announced he would run for a third term, I attended the virtual screening of a new documentary. The Forgotten of the Great Lakes, directed and produced by Burundian filmmaker Joseph Bitamba, looks at the use of rape as a weapon of war, following survivors in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Rwanda and then Burundi.
The Burundian survivors interviewed share one thing in common: they all lived in neighborhoods that actively protested against Nkurunziza’s third term in 2015 and were raped by security forces in retaliation. One woman’s testimony will haunt me forever. She does not wipe away her tears and her voice breaks as she describes how policemen and members of ruling party’s youth militia – the notorious Imbonerakure – burst into her home. They gangraped her, in front of her children, before trying to force her teenage son to rape her too. When he resisted, he was shot on the spot. He was left for dead, lying on top of his mother’s body, but survived his wounds. From that moment on, however, he was unable to look his mother in the eye. Having witnessed her violation and been forced to participate in it, something deeper than his physical wounds had been broken in him. He left home without saying a word a few days later, never to be seen again.
When the news broke on 9 June that Nkurunziza had died, aged 55, my initial reaction was shock. It felt unreal, almost staged, a plot twist that befits literature, not real life. But slowly the shock began to fade as notifications exploded on my phone. Numbness cooled my veins and left me frozen, in a state I still can’t quite describe. I imagine what I am feeling is only a fraction of what these rape survivors felt upon hearing of his passing.
Tradition in Burundi is deeply respectful of the dead. One does not speak ill of the deceased, certainly not in the early days. A seven-day national mourning period has begun across the country. My family and I prayed for the wife and children Nkurunziza leaves behind tonight. But I shed no tears over his untimely death.
My tears, instead, are for the lives forever bruised and haunted by the pain his regime caused. I cry for the country we could have had these past five years; for the blood that could have been spared; for the memories families could have built together; for the amputated limbs of our young protestors; for the elderly who walked kilometres to end their lives in refugee camps; for the million little broken pieces so many of us have become.
When Nkurunziza came to power in 2005, the air was full of possibility. A newly-elected president from the long oppressed Hutu majority was democratically acceding power, ending a decade of war. He promised change and social justice measures such as free primary education and maternity care. As a journalist at the time, pregnant with my first child, I covered the elections with enthusiasm at a new pan-African radio station. Independent media was flourishing, civic space was guaranteed, and there was an exceptionally open environment for political debate. Despite decades of politically induced ethnic tensions, Tutsis and Hutus alike seemed to believe in a new beginning for the nation.
Things deteriorated slowly over Nkurunziza’s first term. Corruption and extrajudicial killings accelerated in his second. Then, in 2015, he announced he would run for a third, despite the constitution’s two-term limit. This prompted days of widespread protests. On 13 May, some soldiers carried out a failed coup. Soon after, the regime cracked down heavily on protesters, journalists, government opponents and activists. Many were imprisoned. The rest, including my own family, went into exile. Renaissance FM, the radio station I had helped start, was burnt to the ground.
For many Burundians, waking up to photos of hand-tied, dead bodies stuffed in street gutters became the new norm. Human life lost value and family WhatsApp groups discussed murder and disappearances in the same breath as weddings and births.
For exiled families like my daughters and I, the past five years have meant being torn from our lives and the innocence of childhood being forever halted in its course. I dedicated all my energy to bringing the regime’s crimes to light. I hoped, above all, that African states would break ranks from one of the worst dictatorships today. To put things in perspective, the notorious Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet is estimated to have killed 3,200 people over 16 years. By 2018, it was estimated that Nkurunziza’s regime had killed 1,700 people in just 4 years.
State violence is not new to Burundi. Nkurunziza followed in the footsteps of his predecessors, including those who murdered his own father in 1972 and those he fought to overthrow with his rebellion. He was the product of a cycle of impunity, which is at the root of Burundi’s recurring crises. It pains me that his sudden death robs us of another chance to install a culture of justice and accountability so essential for lasting peace.
Perhaps the greatest irony in Nkurunziza’s death is his dismissal of the COVID-19 pandemic. In recent rallies in support of his successor Evariste Ndayishimiye, who won presidential elections just three weeks ago, he claimed that God had purified Burundi’s air and that no masks were necessary in his blessed land. One of the last acts of his government was to expel World Health Organisation representatives and dismiss the need for preventative measures. Although the official cause of Nkurunziza’s death is a heart attack, rumours abound that he had contracted the virus. His wife, Denise Bucumi, was airlifted to Kenya for treatment days earlier, a luxury most Burundians cannot afford to dream of. He leaves his country at high risk, with some of the poorest health infrastructure on the continent.
Those who were close to Nkurunziza or directly benefited from his rule grieve him today. It is their right. But his death should not sanitise his life. I am holding space for a different loss, for the deaths which are not reported and for which flags will not fly at half mast. I mourn the tortured, the imprisoned, the impoverished. Nkurunziza may find peace in death, but his victims will live with the wounds of his rule for the rest of their lives. My heart goes out to them. May a new dawn rise for them and for the Burundian people as a whole. This is the hard work that awaits us all.

MHESHIMIWA LAZARO NYALANDU ACHUKUA FOMU YA KUGOMBEA URAISI

MAALIM SEIF ATOBOA SIRI YA WABUNGE WALIOBAKI CUF BAADA YA YEYE KUHAMIA ACT

WHY IAM RUNNING FOR THE PRESIDENCY OF TANZANIA

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WHY I AM RUNNING FOR THE PRESIDENCY OF THE UNITED REPUBLIC OF TANZANIA 
On October 25th the citizens of Tanzania will go to the polls to elect leaders and representatives to serve in various offices in our constitutional system. As dictated by the Constitution of the United Republic of Tanzania and its electoral laws, the only people with the right to stand as candidates for election to these constitutional offices are members sponsored by fully registered political parties. 
My political party CHADEMA has expressed its wish to participate in the elections and has announced the procedures for which the party will nominate candidates. In compliance with the relevant party guidelines, I am now honoured to announce that I have formally submitted my intention to run for the position of the President of the United Republic of Tanzania during this year’s general elections on a CHADEMA platform. 
Let me explain what has driven me to present myself for nomination as the candidate of our party in the presidential contest.
A NATION AT THE CROSS-ROADS 
For the last five years Tanzania has been under the iron fist of President John Pombe Magufuli and his Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM) party. In that time Magufuli has brought the country to the brink of economic, political and diplomatic disaster. 
Ever since Tanzania dropped the state interventionist policies of the mid-1980s, our national economy has been deeply integrated into the global economic and financial systems. Our government no longer owns or runs economic or business ventures. Instead, it is the private sector that has been the main driver of economic growth and investment in the various sectors of our economy. This has been the case since President Ali Hassan Mwinyi took office in 1985. And it was the case until the advent of President Magufuli’s administration in November 2015.
ECONOMY IN NEAR COLLAPSE
President Magufuli disregarded this. He has run the economy through State House orders and edicts issued at political. Using the armed forces, the intelligence services and the Tanzania Revenue Authority, the President has launched a vicious war on the private sector, seizing accounts and other assets of both foreign and local businesses. Even peasant farmers have not been spared. Last year the security forces went on a rampage to seize and confiscate tens of thousands of tons of cashew crops from peasant farmers in the southern regions of Tanzania.
To procure the funds to finance his pet infrastructure projects, President Magufuli’s administration has imposed extortionist taxes on  businesspeople, from the smallest proprietor to the largest magnate, irrespective of the state of their businesses or their earnings. These extortionate taxes have been collected with shocking brutality. Business owners have been blackmailed into paying exorbitant sums of money as back taxes at pain of being arrested and imprisoned under the country’s draconian economic crimes laws. 
Those unable to pay up or who resist this mafia-style shakedown have faced arrest and imprisonment without bail in the country’s notorious maximum security prisons; or they have had their assets seized and forfeited to the government. Some, like the former chairman of the Tanzania Private Sector Foundation (TPSF) have died in prison. 
The outcome of this economic warfare on the private sector is clear to all. The economy is on life-support; many businesspeople and investors have fled Tanzania with their capital, shifting their operations, jobs and tax revenues to safer havens in neighbouring countries. Inevitably, government takings from taxes have plummeted; and unemployment and consequent impoverishment, particularly amongst the youth, has skyrocketed. 
Today the economic plight of our people is far worse than at any time since before President Magufuli assumed office in 2015. This year’s General Election will decide whether President Magufuli gets another five years to continue his destruction of our national economy and impoverishment of our people, or whether we will get a fresh beginning by removing him and his party from office.
A NATION OF WIDOWS, ORPHANS AND INVALIDS
In the five years of his administration, President Magufuli has undermined the constitutional, political and administrative order of our country. Since 1984, our country has had a Bill of Rights enshrined in our Constitution setting out the fundamental rights and freedoms and responsibilities of our people. In those five years, President Magufuli and his security forces have torn to shreds the entire system of legal and constitutional protections of human rights and the rule of law.
Disappearances, abductions and torture of government critics and journalists. Extra-judicial killings of the opponents of the government and the ruling part. The extensive use of paramilitary security forces against the civilian population exercising their democratic rights. These have become the norm. Impunity has reigned supreme in Tanzania ya Magufuli. This year’s General Elections will determine whether the people of Tanzania are prepared to tolerate five more years of this government-orchestrated oppression, humiliation and violence to their persons or property, or whether they will be ready to throw off the intolerable yoke of this tyranny. 
Tanzania has become a land of people crippled - physically and psychologically - by the violence of the Magufuli government. That I make this announcement from the loneliness of a European exile, not in the land of my birth surrounded by family, friends and colleagues, bears witness to the horrors that have visited our country these past five years. This General Election will decide whether the widows, orphans and those physically or emotionally disabled by this regime will get a comforter-in-chief to wipe away their tears, provide solace to the victims and bind the nation’s deep wounds; or whether their tormentor-in-chief will get another five years to cause more pain and create more victims.
A TYRANNICAL RULE
Since Tanzania became a multiparty democracy in 1992, the democratic system has taken root and prospered, as evidenced by the returns in the various multiparty elections conducted during this period. Nevertheless, since assuming office, President Magufuli has declared open war against multiparty democracy in Tanzania. The President himself declared on national television, on the 39th anniversary of his party CCM in February of 2016, that he would see to it that there are no opposition parties by the year 2020, i.e. by this election year. 
We have all borne witness to the ruthless implementation of the President’s pledge to turn back the clock of history by bludgeoning the country back to the dark days of single party rule. President Magufuli’s security forces and intelligence services have waged an unrelenting struggle against leaders, activists and members of the opposition parties, particularly of CHADEMA and of ACT-Wazalendo in Zanzibar. As a result of this vicious war on the legitimate opposition, the fate of multiparty democracy in Tanzania hangs in the balance. This year’s General Election will decide whether President Magufuli will bring his dream of a single party Tanzania to fruition, or whether multiparty democracy shall endure and prosper in our country. 
A STRONG BUNGE AND INDEPENDENT JUDICIARY 
Hand in hand with the assault on multiparty democracy, President Magufuli has also prosecuted a brutal, but often insidious, war on the principle of separation of powers between the different arms of the government by systematically undermining and weakening the power, authority and prestige of the National Assembly and the Judiciary. The history of our country’s Parliament from independence to the early 1990s is not a particularly proud one. With the possible exception of the first few years after Independence, the Parliament of that period became what an eminent constitutional scholar has described as “an empty shell with little power and even less a forum for public debate, scrutiny and criticism.”It was deaf mute and blind to the rights and interests of the people of Tanzania it ostensibly represented. 
Our Parliament began to regain its voice and power following the reintroduction of the multiparty system in 1992 and, especially, after the first multiparty general elections in 1995. It has grown ever since. It is to the great credit of the former presidents of a multiparty Tanzania, especially President Jakaya Mrisho Kikwete, that under their watch our Parliament came of age and became a truly representative organ of the people with matching power, authority and prestige in the eyes of the people of Tanzania. 
It is also to the great credit of the Speakers of the Parliament of the time, the late Samuel John Sitta and Mama Anna Semamba Makinda, that under their steady leadership, our Bunge regained the voice to speak out against the iniquities of those in power; the ears to hear the desperate cries of the oppressed; the eyes to see the ugly face of impunity and the teeth to bite those who abused their public trust.
In Tanzania ya Magufuli, our Parliament, under the compromised leadership of Speaker Job Yustino Ndugai, has been subverted and made subservient to the needs of tyranny. Again, the parallels with the Bunge of the era of party supremacy between 1965 and 1985 are striking. The October 2020 General Elections will determine whether we return to the era of an assertive and truly independent Parliament or whether we will have five more years of Parliament as an appendage of the government it is meant to oversee.
President Magufuli has also attacked the independence and impartiality of our Judiciary in a manner unprecedented in our entire history. He has publicly attacked, excoriated and humiliated the judges and justices of our superior courts. He has unceremoniously and unconstitutionally removed others from their tenured offices. He has interfered with their independence, directing them on how to judge criminal cases involving the victims of his misguided economic warfare, and promising monetary rewards and promotions to judges and magistrates who do his bidding. 
Predictably, the outcome of these practices has been a weakened and subservient Judiciary at the beck and call of the Imperial President. Rather than a bulwark ‘to protect the weak against the oppression or tyranny of the strong and the ruthless’, as one of our greatest chief justices said, our Judiciary has become an instrument for the oppression of the weak by this ruthless tyranny. Rather than ensure that democracy in our country grows and our people enjoy the personal freedoms guaranteed to them by the Constitution, as Chief Justice Samatta implored, our courts have become the sharpest edge of the dagger pointed at the heart of our democracy and our fundamental rights and freedoms. These General Elections must decide whether we will continue to have a compromised Judiciary that is used as an instrument of terror and oppression, or whether we shall have a Judiciary that is truly independent, impartial and worthy of a multiparty democracy and a free people.  
 ‘A SKUNK OF THE WORLD’
From the earliest years of our Independence, Tanzania has had a high standing in international diplomacy. For nearly quarter century of his leadership, our Founding Father Mwalimu Julius Nyerere put Tanzania firmly on the global map. Under his principled leadership, we made steady friends and development partners on both sides of the Cold War. We built solidarity and close relations with our East African neighbours; we were on the frontline of the liberation struggles to end colonialism and racism in Southern Africa, and became the standard bearers of the solidarity of the peoples and nations of Africa and the Third World. 
Our country and its leaders enjoyed the respect of the peoples and governments of the world.  We reaped the immense economic, social, political and diplomatic benefits that always flow from being good citizens of the world. That one of the daughters of the United Republic became the Deputy Secretary General of the United Nations; and one of its sons the Secretary General of the African Union, bears witness to our country’s high standing in international diplomacy of years past. 
Since coming to office in 2015, President Magufuli has damaged our standing in the world and undermined our international diplomacy. He has antagonized our friends and development partners. He has estranged us from our closest neighbours in the East African Community. He has driven a wedge between us and our historic comrades-in-arms of the Southern African Development Community, whose freedom and independence we paid for with our blood and treasure. 
He has cast doubt on our legitimate place in the hallowed pantheon of the founders of the African Union, and its forerunner the Organisation of African Unity. He has put us at odds with international organizations such as the United Nations; and has cost our country our longstanding friends from the European Union, Scandinavia, North America and across the world.
Magufuli has transformed Tanzania from a beacon of hope and anchor of stability in a troubled region to an international pariah. Our country and its leaders have now become the subject of regular condemnation in the councils of the world and in the international press for its deplorable human rights record and malpractice in a variety of areas, ranging from the education of female children to the President’s mishandling of the COVID-19 pandemic. 
That Tanzania should be ‘locked out’ by our partners and neighbours in the East African Community; that the leaders of the Southern African Development Community should proceed with their extraordinary summit without President Magufuli, who is the incumbent Chairman of SADC, is testimony to the diplomatic depths we have fallen to under his watch. Our country has become what I said in Nairobi, Kenya, on 5 January 2018, shortly before I was transferred to Belgium for further treatment: ‘a skunk of the world.’ 
Rather than step back from the brink of international isolation, President Magufuli and his government has defiantly pressed on, insulting our long-term friends and development partners with such unedifying epithets as ‘imperialists’, and expelling or harassing their diplomatic representatives in Tanzania. This year’s General Election will answer the question whether our country can survive alone in the vast sea of international relations by continuing to ignore the global norms of international good behaviour, or whether we will mend our ways and return to the international fold as responsible members of the international community. 
THE NEW CONSTITUTION
Fellow citizens, 
In 1978 Mwalimu Nyerere, our first President, stated, in an interview with BBC, that he had sufficient powers, under the Constitution and the laws of Tanzania, to be a dictator. The Constitution that the Father of the Nation referred to in that interview, is the current Constitution of the United Republic of Tanzania, enacted in 1977 during the heyday of single party supremacy and its attendant authoritarianism. The draconian laws he spoke of are still in our statute books, and many more have been added to the vast arsenal of the legal and extra-legal despotism that currently weighs down on our collective neck as a nation. 
Five years of iron-fisted rule by President Magufuli has taught us an unforgettable lesson on the importance and the urgent necessity for a new democratic constitutional and legal order founded on justice, equality and humanity. This year’s General Elections is a crucial test of whether we have learnt this great lesson of irresponsible rule, are no longer prepared to live under a Constitution and laws that make dictators of our elected leaders, and therefore will return to the drawing boards for a new constitutional dispensation sabotaged and discontinued by the CCM government in 2014; or whether we will continue to tolerate, excuse or appease the dictatorial rulers who have found refuge under the current Constitution and the laws. 
Fellow countrymen and women, 
These are some of the key issues and reasons that have always animated and informed my commitment to public service. They are the issues that drove me to contest the first multiparty elections in 1995 as a twenty-seven year old graduate student. They are the issues that spurred me to fight for the rural communities brutalized by the advent of the corporate mining industry in the goldfields of North-West Tanzania in the late 1990s and the 2000s. They inspired my parliamentary work for seven years before it was cut short in a hail of machinegun fire that fateful September day in 2017. And as I begin this perilous but exciting new journey to confront President Magufuli and his record in the October showdown, these are the issues and reasons that will keep me going. 
I know and understand that some of you have fears about my legal qualifications to stand as a presidential candidate in the forthcoming General Elections, owing to Speaker Ndugai’s decision to strip me of my parliamentary seat in June of last year, on the ground of alleged violation of our country’s Public Leadership Ethics Code. I intend to address this issue more fully and thoroughly in next few days. Suffice it to say that I have never, in my entire career as a public servant, been charged with, prosecuted or convicted for any infraction, however small, of the Public Leadership Ethics Code; or for any other crime or offence that will stand me disqualified for any elective office in the United Republic. 
Furthermore, under our constitutional system and in terms of the Public Leadership Ethics Code, it is the Public Leadership Ethics Tribunal that has the sole mandate to prosecute or punish public leaders who do not meet the strict edicts of that law. Speaker Ndugai is the Speaker of the National Assembly of the United Republic. His eminent position notwithstanding, he is not the Ethics Tribunal or a member thereof. Therefore, his decision regarding my status as a member of the National Assembly has no bearing whatsoever on my fitness to stand in the election for the President of the United Republic. 
So, I ask you all to join me in this challenging but exciting journey in the weeks and months ahead. Let us all join hands to bind the wounds of our nation; to take care of the widow and the orphan and the many maimed of these five years; to wipe the tears and cast away the fears of these terrible years; to free the captives of this regime, bring justice and prosperity for all and set our nation on the road to greatness again.
I thank you for your patience and may God bless you all. 

Tundu A.M. Lissu (MB)
Tienen, Ubelgiji
31 Mei 2020

Race for Zanzibar presidency hots up

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The race for the presidency of Zanzibar had by Friday attracted 12  candidates, two of them sons of former presidents.
Ali Karume, 70, son of Zanzibar's first president Abeid Amani Karume, will face off with Hussein Mwinyi, 53, whose father, Ali Hassan Mwinyi led Zanzibar from 1984 to 1985, before succeeding Julius Nyerere as Tanzanian president from 1985 to 1995.
Mr Karume, who is also the younger brother of former Isles president Amani Abeid Karume (2000-2010), has served as Zanzibar's ambassador to several European countries. Dr Mwinyi, a medical doctor, is currently the Minister for Defence and National Service in the Tanzanian (Union) government.
The two were among aspirants who turned up at Chama cha Mapinduzi's Zanzibar Kisiwandui headquarters to collect nomination forms ahead of the ruling party's June 30 deadline.
Dr Mwinyi has been widely touted as the ruling party's preferred candidate, especially after the withdrawal of Tanzanian vice-president Samia Suluhu Hassan from the race.
Ms Suluhu told a public rally last August that she considered the Isles presidency a ‘’demotion’’ from her current number two position in the country’s leadership. Zanzibar's president comes third in the hierarchy of power between Union and Isles’ government.

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GRACE SHITUNDU -DAR ES SALAAM
MCHAKATO wa kumpata atakayekiwakilisha Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM) katika kinyang’anyiro cha urais Zanzibar unaonekana kuwa si wa kitoto baada ya jana aliyekuwa Mwenyekiti wa Tume ya Uchaguzi  visiwani humo (ZEC), Jecha Salim Jecha kujitokeza kuchukua fomu.
Jecha ambaye si tu amepandisha joto bali ameongeza idadi ya wagombea waliojitokeza kuchukua fomu ya urais CCM kufikia 14 visiwani Zanzibar, hatua yake hiyo tayari imezua gumzo.
Pamoja na kuhoji ni lini amekuwa mwanachama wa CCM, ilihali ni miaka michache tu alikuwa akishikilia wadhifa mkubwa wa Mwenyekiti wa ZEC lakini hatua yake hiyo imekumbusha wengi uamuzi wake wa kutangaza kufuta wengine wanaita kimizengwe matokeo ya Uchaguzi Mkuu wa mwaka 2015 visiwani humo.
Itakumbukwa hatua yake ya kufuta uchaguzi huo na kuitisha mwingine ambao ulisusiwa na kilichokuwa chama kikuu cha upinzani visiwani humo cha CUF, iliibua vita kali ya maneno dhidi yake yeye binafsi na Serikali zaidi akidaiwa kuvunja sheria na Katiba.
Pamoja na kuwako kwa vita hiyo ambayo imeacha makovu visiwani humo, Jecha wakati akitangaza kufuta matokeo hayo kupitia runinga ya serikali visiwani humo ZBC alieleza sababu kadhaa za ikiwamo ile ya  kudai kuwa uchaguzi huo ulijaa kasoro nyingi.
Alisema uchaguzi huo ambao aliyekuwa mgombea wa urais kupitia CUF, Maalim Seif Sharif Hamad alidai kuwa ameshinda kwa asilimia 52 haukuwa wa haki na kwamba kulikuwa na ukiukaji mkubwa wa sheria za uchaguzi.
Alisema baadhi ya makamishna wa tume hiyo, walishindwa kutekeleza majukumu yao inavyotakiwa kikatiba na badala yake walikuwa ni wawakilishi wa vyama vyao.
Septemba 2, 2016, Rais Dk. John Magufuli akiwa katika mkutano wa hadhara uliofanyika katika uwanja wa Gombani ya Kale  mkoani Kaskanizi Pemba ya kuwashukuru wananchi baada ya kukabidhiwa uenyekiti wa CCM alipendekeza Jecha apewe tuzo kwa kusimamia uchaguzi vizuri.
“ Nampongeza sana mheshimiwa  Jecha kwa kusimamia uchaguzi na umeenda vizuri sana na kama kuna tuzo mheshimiwa Shein (Rais wa Zanzibar Dk. Mohammed Shein ) utazitoa umpe Jecha  hiyo tuzo,”alisema rais Magufuli huku akishangiliwa na umati wa wana-CCM waliokusanyika kumsikiliza.
Kauli  hiyo ya Rais Magufuli ilikuja katika wakati ambao kulikuwa na vita baridi kati ya Maalim Seif na Dk. Shein.
Katika vita hiyo, Maalim Seif alikuwa ameendelea na msimamo wake wa kutotambua uchaguzi wa marudio uliofanyika Machi 21, 2015 ambao ulimpa ushindi Dk.Shein huku CUF wakisusia uchaguzi huo.
Jecha ambaye  miaka miwili baadaye yaani Aprili 18, 2018 baada ya kufuta matokeo hayo na kufanyika uchaguzi mwingine uliomwingiza madarakani, Dk. Shein ambaye sasa anamaliza muda wake  aliondoka kwenye wadhifa huo wa Mwenyekiti wa ZEC baada ya kukaa kwa miaka minne tu.
Tangu wakati huo alipotangaza kuondoka ZEC amekuwa kimya hadi alipojitokeza jana kuchukua fomu.
Baada ya kukabidhiwa fomu, Jecha alitoa wasifu wake na kusema endapo atateuliwa na CCM kugombea nafasi hiyo atawaunganisha wakazi  wa Zanzibar, atasimamia maendeleo ya nchi na kusimamia haki za watu wote bila kubagua.
MCHAKATO ULIVYO
Mchakato huo wa kuwania urais kupitia tiketi ya CCM  unaonekana kuwa wa moto kutokana na idadi ya wachukua fomu sambamba na majina makubwa ya waliojitokeza katika nyanja za siasa.
Kati ya waliochukua fomu kuna Mawaziri wanaotumikia uwaziri wao katika Serikali ya Jamhuri ya Muungano, kuna mabalozi, viongozi wastaafu na makada wengine wa CCM.
Uchukuwaji wa fomu umeanza juni 15 na zoezi hilo litaendelea hadi Juni 30 na kufuatiwa na vikao vya CCM kupitisha jina moja la mgombea atakayemrithi Dk. Shein.
Idadi hii inaelezwa kuongeza ushindani wa kinyang’anyiro na  kuwafanya wajuzi wa siasa kushindwa kubashiri moja kwa moja ni nani atasimamishwa na CCM katika kuwania nafasi hiyo.
Hivi karibuni Rais Dk. John Magufuli ambaye ni Mwenyekiti wa chama hicho alikutana na kufanya mazungumzo na Rais anayemaliza muda wake  Dk. Shein jijini Dodoma.
Pamoja na kwamba hadi sasa katika makada hao 14 waliochukua fomu, kuna majina makubwa ambayo yanatajwatajwa, CCM imekuwa haitabiriki hasa katika uteuzi wa mgombea wa nafasi ya urais wa Zanzibar.
Makada wengine wa CCM waliochukua fomu hadi sasa ni pamoja na Waziri wa Maji wa Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania, Profesa Makame Mbarawa, Waziri wa Ulinzi wa Tanzania, Dk. Hussein Ali Hassan Mwinyi, ambaye pia ni mtoto wa Rais wa awamu ya pili Ali Hassan Mwinyi.
Yumo pia mwanamama pekee hadi sasa  Mwatum Mussa Sultan kwenye orodha hiyo, Haji Rashid Pandu ambaye kitaaluma ni mwalimu, na Abdallah Mohammed Ali (kitaaluma ni Daktari).
Wengine ni aliyekuwa Waziri Kiongozi wa Zanzibar, Shamsi Vuai Nahodha, Balozi Ali Karume ambaye ni mtoto wa Rais wa Kwanza wa Zanzibar Abeid Karume, Balozi Mohamed Hijja Mohamed, Mohamed Jaffar Jumanne.
Pia Balozi Meja Jeneral Mstaafu Issa Suleimani Nassor, Mhandisi Mbwana Bakari Juma, Mbwana Yahaya Mwinyi  kutoka Umoja wa vijana CCM na Omari Sheha Mussa aliyekuwa Katibu Mkuu wa wizara ya Fedha kipindi cha utawala wa Dk Salmin Amour.
Tangu lilipoanza zoezi la kuchukua fomu lianze Juni 15 aliyefanikiwa kurudisha fomu hadi sasa ni Balozi Ali Karume.
Pamoja na Jecha majina yanayotajwa kuongeza chachu katika kinyang’anyiro hicho ni Profesa Mbarawa, Dk Mwinyi, Balozi Ali Karume na Shamsi Vuai Nahodha.
Mbarawa na Mwinyi kwa muda mrefu walikuwa wakitajwa kuwa huenda mmoja wao ataibeba bendera ya chama hicho.
Profesa Mbarawa aliyetumika katika Wizara ya Ujenzi na sasa Wizara ya Maji  huku akionekana kuaminiwa na Rais Magufuli tangu alipoingia madarakani.
Naye Waziri Dk Mwinyi ambaye ni mtoto wa Rais wa serikali ya awamu ya pili ameonyesha kutumikia na kudumu katika wizara ya Ulinzi kwa muda mrefu pasipo kutumbuliwa hasa katika kipindi hiki cha tumbuatumbua ni baadhi ya taswira ambazo wachambuzi wanaziangalia katika mchuano wa sasa wa nani atakayepitishwa kuwania nafasi hiyo kupitia CCM.
Hata hivyo kuwepo kwa majina ya Balozi Ali Karume na Shamsi Vuai Nahodha nako kunaongeza chachu zaidi hasa kwa siasa za visiwani Zanzibar.
Balozi Ali Karume ambaye si mara ya kwanza kujitokeza kuonyesha nia kama ilivyo kwa Nahodha naye ameongeza moto baada ya kuonyesha kuwa anatamani kuwa Rais kama ilivyokuwa kwa baba yake na pia ndugu yake Rais mstaafu wa Zanzibar Amani Karume.
Nahodha ameongeza chachu katika kinyanganyiro hicho hii ikiwa ni mara ya pili kwa kada huyo kuomba ridhaa ya kuwania nafasi hiyo.
Katika mchakato wa uchaguzi wa mwaka 2010 Nahodha alichukua fomu ambapo hata hivyo jina lake halikurudi kwa wananchi kutoka Dodoma, ingawa katika mchakato huo jina lake na la aliyekuwa Makamu wa Rais Dk. Ghalib Bilal yalitajwatajwa sana lakini Dk Shein aliteuliwa na kuchukua urais wa Zanzibar.
Utoaji fomu ulianza Juni 16 katika ofisi za chama hicho Kisiwandui mjini Unguja na Katibu wa Kamati Maalumu ya NEC, Idara ya oganizasheni Zanzibar, Cassian Galos Nyimbo.
Kwa utamaduni wa chama hicho, Rais akimaliza mihula miwili ya miaka mitano mitano hustaafu na kuwaachia wengine kugombea nafasi hiyo.
CHANZO: MTANZANIA

MKUTANO WA ACT WAZALENDO

MBIO ZA URAIS ZANZIBAR

ZITTO AITINGISHA CCM KUSINI

KENYA LOUNCH NEW POLITICAL PARTY

URITHI WA URAIS NCHINI KENYA

HISTORIA SERIKALI YA NUSU MKATE KENYA


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Hakika katiba zetu zote mbili zinampa kila mmoja wetu  uhuru wa kutafakari na kuamua kuchagua au kuchaguliwa. Na ukienda  ndani zaidi nazo katiba  za vyama vyetu zimetupa nafasi hii.
Hakika ni heshima kwetu sote kama Taifa na ni heshima kwenye uwanja wa kimataifa.
Tuvishukuru vyama vyetu kwa kutupa  fursa hizi ambazo zimetolewa na katiba mama ya Taifa.

Vyama vyetu  viendelee kutoa nafasi hii ili kila mmoja mwenye uwezo wa kuisaidia nchi yetu aweze kujitokeza na kuisaidia Zanzibar.
Pamoja na haki hizo zilizo tolewa na katiba zote pamoja na zile za vyama vyetu kwa kila raia na kila mwana chama kwa chama chake, na anza kupata mashaka na utitiri au na matumizi ya haki hii ya kikatiba na unanifanya nianze kutafakari mbali zaidi pamoja na uchanga wangu wa Siasa. Ila kwa vile nimetoka ndani ya mifupa wa wana siasa tena hasa wa Zanzibar, hakika napata mashaka makubwa na naomba nieleze hapa na niko tayari kukosolewa na ikibidi niko tayari kubadilishana mawazo na wajuzi. Kubwa zaidi ni kupata ukweli juu ya nia na dhamira ya walio wengi ambao kwa haraka haraka wame onyesha nia ya kutaka kupewa ridhaa na Chama chetu ya kuwa wagombea kupita CCM
Mashaka yangu ni kama Haya yafuatayo.
1. Idadi ya watia nia walio jitokeza ambao hadi jana tarehe 26/06/2020 wamefikia thelathini (30) na Naamini wengine bado wako njiani wanakuja.
Hapa najiuliza maswali Haya yafuatayo. Hivi ni nini maana ya tukio hili? Jee ni kweli haya ni mapenzi na ukereketwa kwa chama chetu au kuna nini nyuma ya pazia.
Jee watu hawa wameona nini kime pungua au kokosekana Katika awamu hii ya Dr. Ali Mohammed Shein.
Kwangu mimi hili naona ni uthibitisho wa ombwe la uongozi na hakika nina mashaka na wengi wa watia nia na huko mbele nita eleza khofu yangu kwa wengi wa watia nia hawa.
Ila kubwa naomba chama chetu na Serikali zetu hasa hii ya Zanzibar Ijitathmini, mana kwangu huu sio muhamasiko wa kawaida Bali lipo jambo kubwa na inawezekana liko nje ya chama ila ndani ya Serikali, lakini pia inawezekana liko ndani ya chama na ndani ya Serikali. Sioni na sikubali kwamba hawa wote wame hamasika wenyewe na kwa bahati mbaya.
Na Siamini na Wala sikubali kwamba wote hawa ni watia nia ya dhati lakini bado naendelea kutafakari na kwamba jawabu litapatikana mapema iwezekanavyo. Maana kila dalili zina onyesha hapa lipo tatizo na kubwa kuliko yote ninalo liona ni hamasa iliyo tengenezwa kwa makusudi ikiwa na dhamira maalum ambayo khasa ni kuharibu mchakato huu kwa kuutia doa na hatimae kuyumbisha vikao na hasa kumyumbisha Mwenyekiti wetu ambae katika hili naomba nimuombe kwamba bado anahitaji sana kuwa sikiliza wazee wetu hasa wale ambao wamepitia katika nafasi mbali mbali  za ki uongozi na ambao hawana maslahi binafsi. Kama vile Dr SALMIN AMOUR, Dr Bilal.Dr Salim Ahmed Salim na baadhi ya wazee wanao Ifahamu  vyema ccm na hatua za mapambano ya ushindi na namna tutakavyo ingia kwenye vita ya upinzani baada ya kukamilika, kwa mchakato wetu wa ndani ya ccm.
2. Ubora/Quality ya watia nia.
Napata tabu sana na wengi wa watia nia walio jitokeza. Siamini na sikubali kwamba wengi wa hawa kama kweli wanao uwezo  wa  kutuongoza na kutufikisha tunako fikiria kwenda kama Nchi.
Ninapo sema Ubora nina maana nyingi kubwa kuliko zote ni uwezo wa kutambua matatizo yetu kama Nchi na uwezo wa kuyapatia ufumbuzi wa kudumu matatizo yetu. Baya zaidi sio wengi kati ya watia nia hawa ambao wanaelewa hata maana ya neno njaa au kukosa mlo mmoja na hata kuelewa nini maana ya neno umasikini.
Ipo haja ya kutafakari sana juu ya hili mana sisi raia wa kawaida tunayo matumaini makubwa na kiongozi atakae teuliwa kutuongoza, tukiamini imefanyika kazi kubwa sana ya kumtafuta, kumchekecha na hatimae kumleta kama mgombea wetu. Kazi hii tuna iacha kwa chama chetu na kwa public mana Mitazamo inatofautiana.
3. Uasili na uelewa wa historia ya chama na nchi yetu. Nime tafuta na kupitia taarifa za watia nia wengi ambao kwa mtazamo wa haraka haraka wengi wao ni kushindanisha elimu zao na hasa kwa sababu elimu ndio kigezo kikubwa kinacho angaliwa kwa imani kwamba ndio wenye uwezo wa kutusogeza hatua kubwa moja mbele kutoka hapa tulipo. Ila Mimi kwa upande wangu naomba kumnukuu Muasisi wetu wa Mapinduzi ya Zanzibar Babu yetu Karume senior ambae aliwahi kusema "Tumesoma hatukutambua, tumejifunza tumejuwa." Hii maana yake ni kwamba elimu sio kigezo kikubwa katika kufikia malengo ya Taifa ila ni sehemu ya Sifa ya ziada katika kuongoza Taifa. Hivyo naomba tafakuri yakinifu ifanyike hasa kuelewa historia ya kila mtia nia na nini mchango wake kwa Chama chetu na Taifa letu. Sio lazima kila mmoja awe mwana Mapinduzi kwa umri, lakini awe mwana Mapinduzi kwa vitendo na dhamira na hasa katika kuhakikisha anaelewa safari yetu ilipo anzia na wapi tunafikiria kufika na kulifikisha Taifa. Naomba hapa pawe ndio msingi wa tathmini yetu mana wasomi wetu wengi wametufikisha pabaya hadi kuiingiza nchi kwenye mikataba ya hovyo huku tukiwa tuna waamini na hadi kufikia kuuza baadhi ya tunu zetu za Taifa na ambazo kwa kweli haikuwa sawa na wala haikuwa busara na mfano mmoja mdogo sana ni kuuzwa kwa jengo la Mambo msiige ambalo moral responsibility inakataa. Bado wasomi wali shawishi na kusimamia mchakato na hadi sasa tulipo fika tunaelewa hakuna maelezo wala hakuna pesa iliyo ingia kwenye Mfuko mkuu wa Serikali. Maana yake haya ni matumizi mabaya ya ofisi na taaluma za wasomi wetu.
Kufanya manunuzi ya hovyo na ya kifisadi hadi kuiingizia hasara nchi yetu kama vile kununua meli mbili mbovu kwa gharama kubwa na hadi sasa hakuna anae toa majibu na maelezo yoyote mana meli tunazo zizungumza kila mmoja anaelewa kwamba hazina hata miaka mitatu na zote sasa  ni mbovu.
Kushiriki kukihujumu chama chetu hadi kushiriki kwenye kuiba mali za chama chetu na taarifa zote zina onyesha na kuwataja wazi wazi juu ya ushiriki wao kwenye matendo haya maovu. Chama chetu kwenye vikao na taarifa vilifikia makubaliano juu ya nani alishiriki na kwa kiwango gani, pamoja na maelekezo ya vikao  kutolewa, bado kwa upande wa Zanzibar hakuna lililo fanyika na hakuna aliye chukuliwa hatua yoyote.
Hawa ndio vijana na wasomi wetu ambao tuliamini kwamba  watatumia taaluma zao kulisaidia Taifa na Chama chetu, lakini wao ndio vinara wa uchafu huu mkubwa ambao ni aibu hata kuamini kwamba wao ndio watrnndaji wa haya.
Kwa ufupi ni mengi machafu na ya hovyo yamefanywa na wasomi wetu. Bado naamini sio wote lakini taaluma za wasomi wetu hazijawa msaada kwa Taifa na chama chetu na hivyo bado  haijawa na wala sio kigezo cha kukitegemea.
Tunahitaji wenye kuji elewa na kuamini kwamba tunaweza kujikwamua sote kama Taifa na hasa ukizingatia kwa mazingira na wingi wetu bado tunayo nafasi kubwa ya kujikwamua na sio vyenginevyo.
4. Imani na Muungano na Mapinduzi yetu mtukufu. Kwa Mtizamo wangu wengi wa watia nia wetu sio waumini wa kweli wa Muungano na
Mapinduzi yetu matukufu. Kubwa ni tabia ya kuamini na kuaminishwa kwamba Mapinduzi haya hayakuwa muafaka na kwamba Muungano ndio tatizo letu. Aidha ni mjengeko wa tabia za vijana na wasomi wetu kupenda kutaka kuwa aminisha mataifa ya nje kwamba wao ni watu wa mrengo wa kati(liberal) na kwamba watasimamia haki, usawa na kuangalia mbele bila ya kuelewa kwamba tatizo letu moja kubwa ni kwa baadhi ya mataifa haya yange penda kutuondoa katika misimamo yetu kama Taifa na tufuate matakwa yao.
Hivyo wasomi wetu wengi ni wepesi sana katika kutetea kwa uwazi Muungano na Mapinduzi yetu. .
5. Kujitolea kwa maslahi ya Taifa. Si wengi miongoni mwa watia nia wetu ambao wame jionyesha na kujipambanua kwamba wao ni wenye kujitolea kwa maslahi ya Taifa na watu wake. Zaidi ni kutengeneza matukio ambayo kwa juu yata onyesha kwamba wao ni wazalendo ila kwa undani hakuna zaidi ya kujenga image na Umimi
6. Kuamini katika kuendeleza dynasty.
Hapa nakusudia wengi ya walio jitokeza mambo yafuatayo ndio makubwa yanayo jitokeza.
a. Kulinda uongozi wa kifamilia na hasa kwamba uongozi umetokana na family kwa hivyo ipo haja ya kuendeleza jina la family na sio kukerwa na kukereketwa na matatizo ya wanyonge walio wengi na hasa kwa vile wao sio sehemu ya wanyonge hao na wengi hawaelewi unyonge ni nini.
b. Kulinda maslahi, mali zao, kazi na vipato vilivyo patikana kwa njia zisizo sahihi. Hapa naweza kuwa na kosea , ila dalili na viashiria kwa wengi walio jitokeza ni kutaka ama kujilinda wao na walivyo vichuma au kutumika kuwalinda wengine kupitia wao ili wasipate mashaka na mali na maisha yao. Hivyo wametumika ili kuwa ni ngao ya kuficha maovu ya wanao wataka kuwalinda.
c. Kushiri na kushirikiana na wafanya biashara waovu. Hili hali hitaji tochi. Wengi wa walio jitokeza, lengo ni kushirikiana na wafanya biashara waovu kwa maslahi yao. Hili ni wakati ndio utakao amua. Ila dalili zipo wazi.
d. Ufakhari wa kuchukua form kwa mana ya kuchukua. Miongoni mwa walio chukua form za kuomba ridhaa  si kweli kwamba ni wao wenyewe wanao uwezo au wanayo dhamira ya kweli ya kuisaidia Zanzibar na Taifa, Bali ni tabia ya sasa iliyo jengeka na inayo endelea kuota mizizi ya watu kutaka kujionyesha mbele ya jamii kwamba mimi nipo na nimethubutu. Hii ime jionyesha kwa kiwango kikubwa na inaleta mashaka kwa wengi kujiuliza kama kweli Taifa lime fikia hapa. Na kama kweli tunaweza kusonga mbele endapo hatuku tengeneza mfumo bora na imara wa kuwa pata watia nia ya kuongoza Nchi.
e. Kupambana na kuhakikisha wana uondoa Muungano wakiwa ndani ya ccm na Serikali yake.
Hapa Hatuhitaji kuwa wataalamu wa nuclear au rocket science kuliona hili. Ila ukweli ni kwamba maandalizi ya kuifanya ccm ishindwe yalianza kipindi cha pili cha Rais Amani Karume na kila jitihada zilifanyika pia  kwenye  kipindi cha pili cha Rais Dr. Shein cha kuiondoa Serikali ya ccm madarakani. Na wengi wa viongozi waandamizi  ndani ya Serikali na ndani ya ccm walisha andaliwa na kuaminishwa kwamba ccm ndio imefikia mwisho na wengi wao walijitolea kusaidia mchakato huo. Wengine walisha ahidiwa nafasi za uongozi katika Serikali mpya. Hivyo pamoja na jitihada zile ku shindikana bado hazija sita. Na kwa mtizamo wangu, bado viongozi hawa waandamizi walio ndani ya Serikali na Chama na wengine walio staafu ndio vinara wa kuhakikisha ccm Inaondolewa madarakani na lengo lao  kubwa likiwa ni kuendelea kujaribu kuiondoa ccm madarakani, huku wao wakiwa ndio wahandisi wa mchakato huu lakini wakiwa ni viongozi na watendaji ndani ya Serikali na ccm. Kubwa lijalo ni kupeleka mswada kwenye baraza la kwanza la wawakilishi la Serikali ijayo wa kuto kuwa na imani na Muungano na hivyo kupitishwa kwa hoja ya kuitishwa kwa kura ya maoni ili kukubali au kuukataa MUUNGANO.
Tuna wafahamu na tuna fahamu vikao vinakaa usiku na mchana na sasa kwa asilimia kubwa vikao vime hamia Karume Airport Zanzibar pamoja na nyumbani kwa kigogo Mstaafu  ambapo mipango mingi hufanyika. Hapa taarifa zina sema hata Mkulu aliyeko madarakani sasa nae hushiriki kwenye baadhi ya vikao nyumbani kwa mtangulizi wake.
Kama mtakubali watu wameanza kumkimbia Dr. Shein hadi siku ya kufunga baraza la wawakilishi wali kimbia hadi kupiga picha nae na kukimbilia vikao vyao airport kwa vile kwa sasa Dr. Shein hana jipya na wao lazima maisha yasonge.(Tafuteni nani hakupiga picha nae ukiacha wale walio kuwa wana wahi ndege ya Pemba)
Hitimisho.
Naomba niseme haya ni maono na maoni  yangu kama Mtanzania, Mzanzibari na mwana ccm ambae naiangalia ccm na Zanzibar, lakini naliangalia Taifa la Tanzania kwa miaka Mia moja ijayo bila ya kumuonea wala kumbagua mwana ccm yoyote na hasa tunapo ongelea watia nia wetu. Kubwa kwangu mimi ni kutafakari nia ya kweli na Madhumuni ya utitiri huu ulio jitokeza na unao endelea kujitokeza kwa Jina la uhuru wa kikatiba na upenzi na upendo kwa CCM.
 Naomba chama chetu kipate muda wa kutosha kuwachambua wagombea wote kwa kina kuanzia maisha yao hadi sasa na mchango wao kwa chama chetu  na Taifa na kuona  wame kifanyia nini chama chetu na Taifa kwa ujumla.
Hapa hatuna nafasi ya kukimbia wala kukimbilia. Hatuna nafasi ya kuendelea wala kuongea, hatuna nafasi ya kulipa fadhila wala kumuona Haya mtu yeyote kwa sababu ni rafiki yetu, ni mtoto wa mkubwa wala kwa sabsbu tukipata fadhila kutoka kwake.
Tuna zungumza Taifa na khatma ya chama chetu. Lakini pia Chsma chetu kisisahau hapa tuna chagua mshika bendera ya chama chetu ambae hatimae tuta msimamisha kupambana na vyama vyengine vyote. Maana yake hii ni vita ya ccm dhidi ya vyama vyote. Tusi sahau, ni punda walio badilishwa soji. Maana yangu ni kwamba watu ni wale wale ila wamehama kutoka chama kimoja kwenda chengine. Wote hawa ni washindani wetu na kwa sasa ni mapambano ya kufa na kupona.
Chama kuhakikisha hatutoi nafasi na kazi kubwa ya kuanza kuwa shawishi wanachama wetu juu ya Ubora wa chaguo la chama, Bali iwe ni kazi yetu sote kupambana baada ya chaguo letu na wala sio chaguo la KUNDI fulani.
Hatuhitaji urithi wala ufalme. Tunahitaji Rais wa wanyonge na ambae anaelewa nini maana ya umasikini na nini maana ya kushinda na njaa na akerwe na umasikini wetu na maendeleo duni. Hakika tusimtazame mtu machoni Bali moyoni na tujiridhishe bila ya chembe ya mashaka kwamba huyu ndiye chaguo la wengi na abebe bendera yetu na sote tuwe team moja ya mapambano dhidi ya upinzani. Vyenginevyo mwaka huu matokeo ya kura yata tolewa saa4 asubuhi baada ya kufunguliwa vituo vya kupiga kura.
Bado mimi nasema
NAMI NATAK HUO URAISII WA ZANZIBAR

MAALIM SEIF ASEMA NITAGOMBEA URAIS KUPITIA ACT WAZALENDO

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NINA IMANI NA MAALIM SEIF

Mpaka muda huu takriban masaa 30 hivi yamepita tokea Seif Sharif atangaze nia ya kugombea Urais wa Zanzibar kwa chama cha ACT Wazalendo tumeamza kusikia mayowe. Nashindwa kuelewa tatizo ni Maalim Seif, Chama chake au wafuasi wake? Binafsi napenda kuheshimu mawazo ya mtu hata kama yanapingana na mimi. Ikiwa kuna anaemini Maalim Seif amepoteza mvuto basi atumie fursa hiyo Oktoba kwa kumchagua yule ambae yeye ataamini anamvuto zaidi ya Maalim katika kupigania maslahi ya Zanzibar hili la kwanza. La pili vyama pinzani na Maalim Seif waibebe hii kama ndio hoja yao kwenye kampeni naamini kabla siku ya kura watakuwa wameshapata majibu.

Ikiwa suala ni kugombea mara nyingi nadhani ilo pia lipo kwenye mikono ya Wananchi wenyewe, hakuna ushahidi kama Maalim Seif anajiweka mwenyewe isipokuwa hupewa imani ndani ya uongozi wa chama na anapokuja kwa Wananchi nao humkubali kwa imani zao na chama pia. Kama kugombea mara nyingi ingekuwa ni kosa basi Wananchi wangilimkataa tokea kwenye hatua za kwanza,  pili wangekuwa wanamuadabisha kwa kumkataa kwenye sanduku la kura, lakini kwa nini haiwi hivyo? Anakubalika!

Matokeo yake anapewa ushindi kwa imani ya Wananchi wenyewe basi tutafute hoja nyengine hii haina mashiko. Chama cha siasa chochote mtaji wake ni watu, ikiwa chama kina watu na watu hao hao wana imani na kiongozi wao kwa sababu zilizo wazi huyo ndio kiongozi. Ccm wamechua fomu watu 32 hatuokuna mshtuko. Isipokua kituko kilichojitokeza baada ya aliyekuwa mkuu wa Tume ya uchaguzi Zanzibar, bwana, Jecha kuchukua fomu za kuomba ridhaa ya chama chake ndio ilikuwa habari lakini kwa wengine hali ilikuwa ya kawaida tu.

Kutangaza nia Maalim Seif Sharif Hamad mayowe yamekuwa mengi kupita kiasi hii hofu inatokea wapi? Inshaallah ifikapo Oktoba mimi nitamchagua Maalim Seif Sharif Hamad na viongozi wengine wa ACT Wazalendo kuanzia Udiwani, Uwakilishi na Ubunge. Matarajio yangu tutakuwa na umoja madhubuti na chama cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo Chadema basi kwa nafasi yoyote ya kiongozi wa Chadema nitamuunga mkono.

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KAMA HATUKUSEMA NANI ATASEMA BLOGGER  AMEAMUA KUAYANIKA LEO

RAIS MAGUFULI NAKUOMBA SOMA HAYA ILI USIINGIZWE MKENGE. JINSI TEAM YA MAWAZIRI WA ZANZIBAR WALIVYODHAMIRIA KUMUANGUSHA WAZIRI WAKO  MCHAPAKAZI MAKAME MBARAWA ASIWE MGOMBEA WA CM ZANZIBAR

Zanzibar mwaka huu wanategemea kupata Rais mpya wa awamu ya 8 tangia mwaka 1964 baada ya Mapinduzi matukufu ya Zanzibar.

Zanzibar wamepita Marais wengi sana na kwakweli kila mmoja wao yapo mengi mazuri kwa kila mmoja kwa nafasi yake aliyafanya akiwa kama kiongozi Mkuu wa Zanzibar.

Lakini katika Uchaguzi wa mwaka huu, kumejitokeza mambo mengi sana katika harakati za Wanachama wanaotaka kuchaguliwa na Chama na baadae Wananchi wa Zanzibar ili kuiongoza Zanzibar katika kipindi cha miaka 5 kwa maana 2020/2025.

Dhana ya kibaguzi imeanza kuchipua ndani ya Chama Cha Mapinduzi hasa Zanzibar baada takriban miaka 15 visiwani hapa kuwa eneo tulivu na kupungua kwa chuki ambayo ilishamiri sana miaka ya 1985 mpaka 1995 kipindi ambacho siasa za Uunguja na Upemba zilishamiri sana visiwani hapa.

Lakini baada ya kuingia Amani Karume na baadae Dr. Shein hali ya ubaguzi ya Uunguja na Upemba ilipungua sana na hapa lazima tuwapongeze Viongozi wawili hawa.

Lakini Uchaguzi wa mwaka huu kumeanza kuibuka masuala ya kibaguzi ndani ya CCM hasa suala la wana CCM wanaofanya kazi kwenye Serikali ya SMT na wale wa SMZ kwa maana Viongozi wanaofanya kazi kwenye   Serikali ya Dr. John Pombe Magufuli na Dr. Ali Mohamed Shein.

Na hapa tutakuwa wazi kabisa kuelezea kiini cha ubaguzi huu ni nini?

Kwa miaka mingi sana Zanzibar imeliwa sana, watu wamejilimbikizia mali, ardhi na wengine wamejilimbikizia mali za Serikali hasa hawa Viongozi wanaofanya kazi kwenye Serikali ya SMZ na wale ambao walishawahi kufanya kazi Zanzibar.
Hofu yao kubwa ni kuogopa yanayotokea Bara yasije kuhamia huku kwa maana Viongozi mbalimbali kuanza kuhojiwa na vyombo vya sheria juu mali zake na vitu vya namna hiyo. Kwahiyo kwa hofu hiyo kumetengenezwa mtandao ukiratibiwa na mmoja ya Waziri anayefanya kazi karibu na Rais na mwingine anayefanya kazi karibu na Makamo wa pili wa Rais kuhakikisha wanaunajisi uchaguzi wa ndani ya Chama kwa kuhakikisha yeyote anayetoka kwenye Serikali ya SMT basi asiwe na asifanikiwe kushinda ndani ya Chama na wameenda mbali zaidi kumuhusisha na Rais Shein kuwa yupo nao kwenye mpango wao huo wakati kiuhalisia Rais Shein hayuko nao na hajatoa baraka zozote za hayo wanayoyafanya.

Viongozi hao kwanza walianza kusema viongozi wanaotoka SMT hawatakiwi na Wananchi wa Zanzibar na kuwasingizia Wananchi wa Zanzibar kwamba hawawataki baadhi ya Viongozi wanaofanya kazi kwenye Serikali ya Rais Magufuli lakini baada ya kujichimbia Zanzibar miezi miwili nikifanya tafiti juu ya nani anayefaa kuwa Rais wa Zanzibar nikagundua mambo mengi sana na mengine ya hovyo kabisa kwa maslahi ya CCM na Zanzibar.

Hawa Viongozi wamekuwa wakitumia sana jina la Rais Shein kwamba ana mtu na wakimtaja Katibu Mkuu wa Wizara ya Fedha kama ndiye chaguo lake. Mchezo huo unafanywa na Waziri wa karibu na Rais.
Na huyu bwana amekuwa akiendesha mikakati mingi sana na kikundi chake kuhakikisha idadi ya watu wengi sana wanaenda kuchukua fomu za kuomba ridhaa ili idadi ya wanaofanya kazi SMZ iwe kubwa zaidi ya wale wanaofanya kazi SMT nia yao ni kukipa ugumu Chama kwenye kuteuwa nani awe.

Hawahawa walipoona Profesa Mbarawa ametoka Pemba na amekuwa Mpemba pekee kuchukua form wakaona atakuwa na nafasi kubwa ya kuingia tatu bora, wanaume hawa hawajipanga ili kumuondoa kwenye matumaini hayo Profesa, wakakubaliana Mhe. Mjawire na Mohammed Abood wakachukue form ili asiwe peke yake kutoka Pemba na kuweka ugumu wa kupenya na kwakweli wamefanikiwa kwenye hilo, maana pamoja na Changamoto za Ndoa yake Profesa kwamba mkewe si Mtanzania lakini alikuwa na nafasi ya kuingia kwenye tatu bora. Hawa ni mafia wa Zanzibar lazima watizamwe sana.

Lakini hiki kikundi kimeshawishi watu wengi sana kuchukua form na wengi walishangaa kumuona aliyewahi kuwa Waziri wa Fedha Zanzibar Mhe. Dr Khalid Salum kuchukua form na siku ya pili Katibu Mkuu wake naye akaenda kuchukua form. Haya yote ni mipango iliyosukwa na kikundi kisichotaka mabadiliko Zanzibar, kisichotaka Mapinduzi ya uongozi na kifikra Zanzibar kikundi ambacho kinataka kiendelee kuwepo kwenye Serikali. Hawa wamekuwa wakiwasingizia Wananchi wa Zanzibar kwamba hawawataki Viongozi fulani na wakisema hawana mvuto lakini kiukweli hilo halipo sema ni propaganda iliyotengenezwa ili kukipa hofu Chama kisiteuwe Viongozi wanaotoka SMT ili wao waendelee kuneemeka.

Kikubwa kinachowasumbua hawa ni hofu, hofu ya vyeo na mali walizochuma. Wanaogopa kiongozi akitokea SMT ataleta mambo ya Magufuli Zanzibar na wao wameshazoea kula na vyeo vya kupeana na wamekuwa wakisema na kusingizia Wananchi kwamba kiongozi akitokea SMT Wananchi watasusa kupiga kura huu ni uongo na uzandiki mkubwa sana.

Hawa wamekuwa wakifanya kila hujuma ili mambo yao yaendelee kulindwa.
Na kama kuna kosa kubwa litafanywa na Wazanzibar (CCM ) ni kuteuwa hawa Viongozi wetu tunao waona kila siku. Kama Zanzibar tunataka mabadiliko basi lazima aje mtu atakayetuondoa hapa tulipo, mtu ambaye hataona haya na kufumbia macho  mambo ya hovyo na kikubwa awe na hekima na busara za kuweza kufanya kazi kwa karibu na Rais Magufuli.

Zanzibar ina nafasi kubwa sana ya kutoka hapa ilipo ikiwa atakuja kiongozi mwenye maono na aliyetosheka.

Hawa Viongozi wetu wa hapa hawana jipya la kuwafanyia Wazanzibari zaidi ya kuendeleza yaleyale ya siku zote. Zanzibar inataka mtu mpya mwenye maono na utulivu wa Kiuongozi.

Lakini kikubwa sana CCM na hasa Rais Magufuli awaangalie sana hawa Wanachama walichukua form kwa umakini wa hali ya juu sana.
Mtaona kundi kubwa sana la watu lakini ile ilikuwa tashtiti wanamtisha Mwenyekiti wa Chama kwamba wao wana watu wa kutosha wenye sifa za kuwa Marais Zanzibar, lakini hawa pamoja na wingi ule lakini ni wamoja na wamekubaliana yeyote atakayepita katika wale wa SMZ watakuwa naye ili kuendelea kulinda maslahi yao.

Hili ni zoezi limeratibiwa ili kuendeleza mtandao wao, wamechukua form wengi lakini ni wa moja ni watu wamoja wamekubaliana.
Na hawana ajenda nzuri kwa Zanzibar na CCM.

Lakini wengi wao katika hawa hawaridhishwi na Mwenyekiti wa CCM kwasababu hawataki kuingiliwa, wanahisi Rais Magufuli atakuwa anatoa maelekezo kule na wao hawataki.
Wanataka waendeleze ulaji wao na mambo yao ya kila siku.

Na leo nasema jambo hapa na iko siku mtakuja kulithibitisha. CCM lazima wamtafute mtu atakayeweza kufanya kazi na Rais Magufuli kwa uaminifu mkubwa sana.
CCM wakikosea hapa kwenye mchakato huu kutatokea mgogoro mkubwa wa Muungano hasa hawa wahafidhina wa Zanzibar wakifanikiwa kushika Nchi hawatosikia lolote kutoka Bara. Na nia yao ni ovu sana wanataka kumuonyesha Rais Magufuli kwamba wao hawaendeshwi na Zanzibar ni Nchi.
Hili CCM waache ubinafsi lazima wamjue Mwenyekiti wao ni mtu wa namna gani na anapaswa awe na pacha kwa Zanzibar wa namna gani. Wakikosea kwenye hili tutakuwa tumeweka rehani Muungano. Ni muhimu CCM wajue Mwenyekiti wao hapendi wababaishaji na hawa wa huku kwetu ni wababaishaji watamvuruga tu.

Lazima kazi ifanyike na hasa CCM Bara isiwaachie CCM Zanzibar jukumu la Kusimamia Uchaguzi ni hatari mno kwa masilahi ya Nchi na CCM.
Hawa viongozi wa CCM Zanzibar baadhi wamesha ahidiwa vyeo kwahiyo ikitokea ametoka mgombea kutoka SMT wengi wao watanuna na huu mchezo lazima ukomeshwe.
Kitengenezwe kikosi kazi kizuri kipya kikashirikiane na wale wa Kisiwandui wasimamie ushindi wa CCM na siyo kuwaachia wale pekee wa Kisiwandui.
Vinginevyo yatatokea mambo ya ajabu sana na hamtokuja kuamini.
Watu wamejawa na tamaa, chuki na kulipiza kisasi hasa kuna baadhi wanaamini walinyanyaswa na Rais Magufuli na kusabisha watolewe kazini, na wengine wana amini Dr. Shein amekuwa mtu soft sana kwa Rais Magufuli.
Kwahiyo wao wamejipanga si kwa maslahi ya Zanzibar bali kulinda masilahi yao na ndiyo maana wamehakikisha wanakuwa na idadi kubwa ili kutuma ujumbe kwa Mwenyekiti wa Chama.

CCM NA RAIS MAGUFULI ANGALIE MSIINGIE  KWENYE MTEGO HUU.

Mwandishi
KOMBO HAMDUNI KOMBO

MAALIM SEIF AMETOSHA

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